Revision of U.S. can make claim to Arctic resources without being party to UNCLOS from Tue, 02/08/2022 - 16:16
The U.S. can exercise its rights under the 1958 Convention on the High Seas to assert that it is permitted to mine and navigate in its Extended Continental Shelf. Ratifying UNCLOS would constrict the ability of the U.S. to respond to challenges to these rights by forcing all further negotiation to occur through the CLCS.
Quicktabs: Arguments
The Rights to the Arctic Likely Will Be Decided through Multi-party Negotiations Outside the Scope of UNCLOS. UNCLOS does not create a dispute resolution process through the CLCS, and there is an inherent difficulty ofproving beyond refute that the area at issue is the extension of only one nation's continental shelf. Thus, the most probable result is that the nations with competing claims will negotiate amongst themselves to reach a settlement. This makes it imperative that the United States refrain from any action that may weaken its bargaining position. By ratifying UNCLOS the United States could substantially erode its bargaining power. By becoming a party to the treaty and thus subject to the adjacent-or-opposite limitation, the United States would weaken its negotiating position if the U.S. continental shelf is not physically connected to the Arctic seabed. If the United States is a party to UNCLOS, then other nations may argue that the United States' only option is to submit a claim to the CLCS as provided in the treaty. If, however, the United States is not a party to UNCLOS, then there would be less pressure from other nations for it to proceed under UNCLOS provisions to ultimately determine the validity of any U.S. claim. Also, as a party to the treaty, the United States would lose credibility in any external settlement negotiations since it would only be subscribing to some of UNCLOS's mandates.
If UNCLOS has not become customary international law and thus does not bind the United States with respect to the Arctic area, then the United States is free to argue that the Convention on the High Seas allows it and other nations to freely mine the seabed and navigate the waters of the Arctic. The freedom to navigate the high seas is explicitly guaranteed by the Convention. The United States must argue that the Convention governs the dispute and provides all nations the ability to navigate the Northwest Passage free from interference from Canada or any other nation claiming to own the area. As a result, the United States would be claiming that the Northwest Passage is part of the "common heritage" and that any nation could navigate through it.
The most significant benefit to the United States' argument that the doctrine of the high seas still governs the Arctic Ocean and its seabed is that the United States would be able to exploit the vast natural resources through deep sea mining activities. Unlike the freedom to navigate the high seas, the freedom to mine that area is not explicitly guaranteed, although it is clearly protected. By securing the right to mine and exploit the resources beneath the Arctic Ocean, the United States would be taking a step to guarantee its energy independence and encouraging U.S. businesses to invest in deep sea mining. These two things will, of course, be critical to the U.S. economy in the foreseeable future.
By relying on the Convention and the doctrine of the high seas, the United States may bypass the UNCLOS regime altogether and begin exploration and exploitation of the Arctic area immediately. As a further benefit, the United States will not have to ratify UNCLOS in order to secure these rights. In fact, if the United States does ratify UNCLOS as many have called for, it may be relinquishing these rights completely if no valuable territory is an extension of its continental shelf. Thus, it is clearly in the United States' interest not to ratify UNCLOS and to contest the Russian land claim outside that regime's jurisdiction.
While I agree completely with Cartner and Gold "Commentary in Reply to “Is it Time for the United States to Join the Law of the Sea Convention”." Journal of Maritime Law & Commerce. Vol. 42, No. 1 (January 2011): 49-70. [ More (6 quotes) ] that UNCLOS “reduces uncertainty and confusion for all states parties” claiming an extended continental shelf, the United States must be prepared to act unilaterally if the Senate does not give advice and consent in the near future. Clearly, as indicated in the NWC Global Shipping Game report, accession to UNCLOS would provide greater certainty and predictability “of the future security and political environment that industry desires in order to invest in economic development of the Arctic region.” However, even without U.S. accession, if there is money to be made, U.S. industry will invest in the region if the U.S. Navy is there to guarantee and protect access. Therefore, while unilateral action may not be the “best” option, it remains a viable (and perhaps the only) option and we should not undercut our ability to claim an extended continental shelf based on the 1958 Continental Shelf Convention by allowing Administration officials to incorrectly state that the United States can only claim an extended continental shelf if we join UNCLOS. Fortunately, not all Administration officials are misinformed on the law. While recognizing the importance of UNCLOS, Margaret Hayes, the chair of the Department of State Extended Continental Shelf Interagency Task Force, acknowledged that “the existence of an extended continental shelf does not depend on a coastal nation having joined the convention” and “that there are other ways to establish what the outer limits might be (emphasis added).”